“The American Angle in Bangladesh is Overplayed,” Says Former R&AW Special Secretary

In this Exclusive Interview with India’s World, former RA&W Special Secretary Amitabh Mathur discusses the 'new reality' in Bangladesh. He
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In this Exclusive Interview with India’s World, former R&AW Special Secretary Amitabh Mathur discusses the ‘new reality’ in Bangladesh. He places the dramatic political transition within a broader historical context, and explains the regional security and geopolitical implications for India

India’s World: How do you read the so-called new reality in Bangladesh today?

Amitabh Mathur: It brings a sense of Déjà vu. We saw this happen in 1975 when it completely repudiated everything Sheikh Mujib stood for. And now we see it again in 2024, a rejection of not only Sheikh Hasina but, once again, of Sheikh Mujib. 

You see, Bangladesh has perhaps two broad identities. 

The origins of one can be traced back to 1947. While the history of our partition in the North is well known, little is known or read in the North of the horrors that transpired before and when the East was partitioned by the British on communal lines. For instance, the Muslim League was formed in Dhaka in 1905. In the 1940s, the famine overlapped with recurrent riots in the region. 1941, 46, 47 (Partition), 48, 50. Mahatma Gandhi fasted in both Calcutta and Noakhali, which is today in Bangladesh. The communal overtone was further exaggerated because 95% of the zamindars in East Bengal (or East Pakistan) were Hindus, and the people under them were Muslims. So, one identity broadly stems from the partition. 

Then, we have the Bengali identity of 1971. It was a product of the language movement in Pakistan, and it was not a repudiation of their Islamic identity but primarily an assertion of their Bengali identity [against Pakistan], underscored by pride in Bengali literature and culture. 

The conflict between these two identities has been ongoing for a very long time. We tend to forget that even in 1971, 35 to 40% of Bangladeshis voted in favour of remaining in Pakistan. Thus, the BNP, after a series of transitions, can be seen as their successor perhaps. At the same time, the Bengali identity of 1971 is complex [beyond Awami League’s appropriation]. Yes, it included secular Muslims and Hindus, but it also included military freedom fighters like Ziaur Rahman (the founder of BNP). 

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